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Labour's new Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell speaks to Jon Snow about Jeremy Corbyn, the IRA and capitalism. Subscribe for more like this, every day: http:/... 
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Since the previous global crisis, which had triggered the launch of global neoliberal restructuring known as Globalisation in the late 60s, there have been major contributions made from critical perspectives to understand the expansion of capitalist mode of production and the formation of the world market. Much of the insights were developed by political economy theorists from the West and the Center. Taken the first and second generation classical work of those like Karl Marx, Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Kautsky, Rudolf Hilferding, Vladimir I. Lenin, Bukharin, Peter Kropotkin, Karl Polanyi, Antonio Gramsci, third and forth generation classics came out in this period. Althusser, Foucoult, Lefebvre, Balibar, De Bord, Deleuze, Miliband, Poulantzas, Palloix, Murray, Hymer, Wallerstein, Amin, Arrighi, Baran, Sweezy, Breverman, Tronti, Negri, Verno, Cox, van der Pijl, Waterman among many others have re-worked on the state, classes, production, labour, capital, power, ideology, agency, and so forth, and have added new insights on our understanding of ever changing world historical structures and the possible vision for radical emancipatory change. In this post-war and New-Left era, both Gramsci and Polanyi had been rediscovered and their work stimulated -especially via Poulantzas’ analysis- the development of the analysis of the transnational dimension of the changing capitalism.
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One cannot help but notice, for example, that the UK's new, post-Twitter generation of prominent feminist voices tend to be white, alumnus of top universities, reside in London and have solidly middle class backgrounds.
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Workplace regimes are the complexes of formal and informal relations and institutions that structure the organisation of work in modern societies. A comparative understanding of their structure and significance is indispensable to socio-economics, for the organisation of work shapes not only the experience of life on the job but the material conditions and competitive prospects of workers and firms, the interests underpinning macro-level political bargains, and the prospects for social solidarity more generally. It is impossible to understand the varieties of capitalism, or their non-capitalist rivals and predecessors, without a firm understanding of the politics and practices of workplace regimes. But sociologists of work and comparative political economists tend to talk past each other, leaving potentially profitable opportunities for mutual dialogue unexploited.
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The left “needs to abandon its mythology of the ‘liberation of the productive forces’”, Ned argues. “Instead of that narrative of progress, we need to realise that industrialism is a 200-year-old bubble that is beginning to burst.”
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Supply chains are becoming ever more tightly integrated as corporations vie with each other to bring their products to global markets before they lose their value through replication or obsolescence. This restructuring of supply chains involves the interaction of a range of different public and private, local and global actors, including companies involved in ‘knowledge-based’ activities as well as those producing and shipping material goods. Both intellectual and manual labour are implicated in these processes of consolidation and acceleration and feel the squeeze: in intensification of work, the precarisation of working conditions and the fragmentation of the workforce, raising challenges for the organisation and representation of labour. This volume brings together accounts of what is happening to logistical labour along global supply chains with theoretical discussions of the problematic relationship between the ‘knowledge-based’ and real economies, and material and immaterial labour. It also presents research on other dimensions of labour precariousness, with contributions from Europe, Asia and the Americas. This volume makes important contributions in the fields of political economy, geography and labour sociology.
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Anyone following the OpenStack ecosystem could be forgiven for being a bit dazed and confused – how many distributions are there? (Fifteen, I think.) How many public clouds? How many private? Even higher-ups at the OpenStack Foundation are hard pressed to answer these questions off the top of their heads.
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